{"id":729,"date":"2020-03-09T19:10:00","date_gmt":"2020-03-09T17:10:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/antithesi.gr\/?p=729"},"modified":"2020-03-11T00:39:39","modified_gmt":"2020-03-10T22:39:39","slug":"tentative-notes-on-the-reactionary-developments-around-immigration-refugees-and-the-border-regime-of-the-european-union","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/antithesi.gr\/?p=729","title":{"rendered":"Tentative notes on the reactionary developments around immigration, refugees and the border regime of the European Union"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Download the article as a pdf<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The situation in\nGreece after the EU-Turkey agreement <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Almost four years\nhave passed since the imposition of the EU-Turkey agreement which attempted to\nprevent the uncontrolled entry of undocumented immigrants\/refugees within the\nEU and, more broadly, to reconstitute the mechanisms for the regulation,\ncontrol and disciplining of their movement, which had completely broke down\nbetween 2015 and the beginning of 2016 \u2013 when more than one million immigrants\/refugees\nmanaged to cross the continent and reach Germany and other countries of the\ndeveloped European \u201ccenter\u201d.[1]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Initially,\nthis \u201cdeal\u201d led to a significant reduction of arrivals: between April 2016 and\nDecember 2016 only 22.000 immigrants\/refugees crossed the borders of Greece.[2]<\/a>\nThe situation remained the same in 2017, with 30.000 arrivals, and started to\nchange in 2018 with more than 50.000 border crossings. The escalation of war\nand violence in Syria and Afghanistan in 2019, on the one hand, and the\ndeterioration of the Turkish economy in the same period (with the GDP of Turkey\ngrowing only at a rate of 0.3% according to the estimation of the European\nCouncil), on the other hand, led to a significant increase of arrivals, with\n75.000 people crossing the borders in 2019. The greatest number of the latter (56.000)\narrived in Greece after the election of the right-wing party of New Democracy,\nwhose one of the main points of its electoral campaign was to \u201cclose the\nborders\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In\nthe period between March 2016 and July 2019, when the country was still governed\nby the left-wing SYRIZA party, the number of immigrants\/refugees that were confined\nin the islands grew very fast: In May 2016 8.500 people were held in the\nislands vs. 50.000 in the mainland; in February 2017 the corresponding numbers\nwere 14.500 and 48.000; in September 2018, 17.600 vs. 65.000; in July 2019,\n19.000 vs. 64.100. The situation became even worse during the last months, with\nNew Democracy in control, as 41.200 people were confined in the islands vs.\n74.400 in the mainland in the end of January 2020, according to the UNHCR data.\nThe situation in the island camps is completely horrible due to the fact that\nall the island camps together have a planned capacity of 5.400 people whereas\nmore than 35.000 people live in improvised shanty towns around the camp sites.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Initially,\nthe reason behind the confinement of the immigrants\/refugees in the islands by\nthe government of SYRIZA was to stem the flow of arrivals through the creation\nof a miserable situation in the island camps that would discourage border\ncrossings. At the same time, in the mainland, more than 15.000 people who\nstayed in the self-organized transit camp of Idomeni, in their attempt to\ncontinue their journey towards the northern EU countries, were forcibly evacuated\nby the police after the 24th<\/sup> of May 2016 and were transferred to\nformer military camps in isolated areas.[3]<\/a>\nAs we wrote in our text from 2016: \u201cThe abjection and the cruelty of this\noperation were unprecedented. Entry to the camp was forbidden completely even\nto the accredited volunteers of the NGOs. In this way the distribution of food\nand the cleaning of the sanitary facilities were obstructed so that the\nimmigrants would be forced to board the police buses that transported them to\nthe isolation centers. As far as the press coverage of the police operation is\nconcerned, entry was permitted only to the state media, the National Television\nof Greece (ERT) and the Athens News Agency. In other words, even the freedom of\npress was violated! Immigrants who boarded the buses by force didn\u2019t know where\nexactly they were heading to, an incident showing that some of the practices of\nthe so-called totalitarian regimes such as, for example, the forced\ndisplacement to an unknown destination, may well be applied in a democratic\ncapitalist regime governed by a left democratic party<\/em>\u201d.[4]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Subsequently,\nthe SYRIZA government in cooperation with UNHCR and IOM (International\nOrganization for Migration) reinforced divisions between the\nimmigrants\/refugees as \u201casylum seekers\u201d were selected for transfer from the\nislands to the mainland according to the so-called \u201cvulnerability\u201d criteria.\nEven in this case, the number of provided apartments, hotel rooms and camp\ndwellings, was not sufficient and the procedure was really slow. There was no\neffective plan and effort to alleviate the horrid living conditions in the\nislands, since the main aim of the EU-Turkey deal was exactly to make the life\nof immigrants\/refugees extremely difficult. However, the increase of arrivals\nin 2018 and 2019 created conflicts within the island camps between the\nimmigrants\/refugees and extreme tensions with the racist part of the local\npopulation. That\u2019s why on October 2018, the SYRIZA government implemented a\n\u201cdecongestion project\u201d in cooperation with the IOM through making contracts\nwith hotels in Attica, Peloponnese, Evia, Serres, Grevena, Thessaloniki,\nKilkis, Kastoria and Asprovalta which by April 2019 housed 6.300 people.[5]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

From\nthe 70.200 immigrants\/refugees that were living in the mainland at the end of\nNovember 2019, 22.200 resided in camps, 21.000 were housed in rented apartments\nby UNHCR and 8.500 were accommodated in hotels which were leased by IOM in\ncooperation with the Greek government.[6]<\/a>\nThe government of New Democracy faced enormous pressure from the (more-often-than-not\npolitically affiliate) local authorities in the islands that denied and tried\nto prevent through mobilizations the further increase of the number of\nimmigrants\/refugees staying in the island camps. In the beginning of October\n2019, the prime minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis announced that 40.000 immigrants\/refugees\ntill the end of 2020 would be transferred to the mainland and accommodated in\nhotels and that 16.000 of them would be inserted in the labour market through\nemployment programs.[7]<\/a> At\nthe same time, he announced the creation of closed detention camps in the\nislands, for immigrants\/refugees seeking asylum.[8]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nplan of the government to implement the transfer of immigrants to the mainland was\nmet with strong reactions by the local authorities and a significant part of\nthe local population in peripheral municipalities such as Naoussa, Asprovalta,\nSerres, Skydra and elsewhere, regions where New Democracy, and the (extreme)\nright-wing in general, have been traditionally strong. In some cases, the\nmotives behind the reactions had to do with a perceived \u201cthreat to the\ntouristic status\u201d of the area, such as in the case of Asprovalta and were led\nby local capitalists (owners of small hotels). In other cases, the motives\nbehind the reactions were purely racist and fueled by conspiracy theories about\n\u201cpopulation substitution\u201d, \u201cislamization of the country\u201d and so on. In the case\nof the islands, the concentration of so many young immigrant and refugee men in\nthe shanty towns outside of the camps and in the public space of the towns\ncontributed to the rise of racism, due to the inevitable creation of tensions\nwith the local population. The transfers to the mainland were delayed but were\nnot completely stopped by the reactions of the local population in the mainland.\nMore specifically, between the beginning of 2020 and the 1st<\/sup> of\nMarch 2020, 6.174 transfers from the islands to the mainland have taken place.[9]<\/a>\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However,\nthe rate of transfers to the mainland has been very slow in comparison with the\nincreasing rate of border crossings since 2018. The right-wing government\ndecided to create new closed camps in the islands in order to be able to control\nthe increasing influx of the people, as the option to let them freely move\nwithin the country would contradict its much propagandized policy of \u201cclosed\nborders\u201d as well as the EU-Turkey \u201cdeal\u201d and the prevalent political consensus\nwithin the leadership of European Union for curbing migration. In order to\ncreate these camps, the government announced the requisition of land in\nrelatively isolated parts of the islands and attempted to begin the works with\nthe protection of riot police squads transferred from Athens on the 25th<\/sup>\nof February 2020. The result was explosive: a significant part of the island\npopulation participated in road blockades and very violent conflicts with the\nriot police. Three days later, on the 28th<\/sup> of February, the\ngovernment was obliged to temporarily retreat and recall the special police\nunits from the islands.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A few comments on\nthe recent social reactions and on the response of the Greek state<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The social and\npolitical composition of the mobilizations against the creation of the new\nclosed camps in the islands was mixed. Both (extreme) right-wing and left-wing\nprotesters and even antifascists and anarchists participated in the clashes and\nin the blockades. Regarding their class composition, small farmers,\nself-employed workers and native workers did participate. As far as we know\nthere was no participation of refugees\/immigrants and no attempt of\ncommunication with them on the part of the \u201cnatives\u201d.[10]<\/a>\nRegarding the political content of the mobilizations, the blockade at Mantamado\nwas dominated by the Communist Party (CP) which condemned the transformation of\nLesvos into a \u201cprison and a concentration camp for immigrants\u201d and called for\nthe abolition of the EU-Turkey agreement and for the transfer of immigrants to\nthe mainland. On the contrary, the blockade of Diavolorema was dominated by\nright-wing and fascist elements. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

It\nmust be noted that, one month before the clashes against the requisitions and\nthe creation of the \u201cclosed camps\u201d, in the really massive mobilizations that\nwere organized by the municipal authorities on the 22nd<\/sup> of January\ndemanding the \u201cdecongestion\u201d of the islands, the prevalent discourse was calling\nfor the \u201cclosure of borders\u201d referring even to the racist trope about the\nalleged \u201csubstitution of the local population by immigrants\u201d and the \u201cislamization\nof the country\u201d. The regional governor of the Northern Aegean Moutzouris, who\nwas supported by New Democracy in the regional elections, did not refrain from\ncirculating anti-Semitic conspiracy theories about the alleged role of George Soros\nin bolstering the \u201csinister role of the NGOs\u201d. Furthermore, fascist\/racist vigilante\ngroups had been formed and had already made a number of attacks against members\nof NGOs, leftists and immigrants in Lesvos and Chios in the previous year. The\nresult of the retreat of the government after the clashes of the local\npopulation with the riot police at the end of February was the actual\nstrengthening of the right-wing discourse and practices, despite the influence\nof the Communist Party in Mantamado and despite the participation of leftists\nand anarchists in the blockades. As some comrades from Lesvos have noted, the\ndefeat of the riot police put the wind in the sails of the racist vigilante\ngroups that felt that they could do whatever they liked with no repercussions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When\nthe government of Turkey decided in the beginning of March to encourage immigrants\/refugees\nto cross the borders in Evros in order to exert pressure on the European Union\nto support its military campaign in Northern Syria against the forces of Assad\nand Russia and in order to renegotiate the EU-Turkey \u201cdeal\u201d, so that it could\nwrest more funding from the EU for the management of the 3.6 million\nimmigrants\/refugees that are stranded within its territory, the reaction of the\nGreek government was to militarize border control, to open fire, injure and\nkill immigrants\/refugees both in the land and the sea borders and to suspend\nasylum applications in violation of the Geneva Convention and the International\nLaw. At the same time, it gave free reign to fascist vigilante groups to engage\nin attacks against immigrants\/refugees and journalists at the borders and\nagainst members of NGOs, journalists and leftists in the islands.[11]<\/a>\nThis move was supported (and probably pre-approved) by the leadership of the\nEuropean Union. The president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen,\nand the president of the European Council, Charles Michel, visited Evros to\ninspect their troops enforcing border control. It is clear that the leadership\nof the European Union is completely aligned with the efforts of the Greek\ngovernment to close the borders with Turkey and to prevent any possibility for the\nrepeat of the 2015 influx of immigrants\/refugees into the EU. In this context,\nthe EU provided to the Greek government with an extra aid of 700 million euros\nto enforce border control and with an additional force of 1.500 Frontex border\nguards.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At\na first glance, it seems that the line of the Visegr\u00e1d group (Czech Republic,\nSlovakia, Hungary and Poland) and of the far right parties for the closure of\nborders has become dominant within Europe due to the electoral gains of the latter\nat the expense of the parties of the centre-right. It must not be forgotten,\nhowever, that the closure of borders is also supported by left and centre-left\nparties such as SYRIZA. Their main disagreements regard the unleashing of the\nfar right vigilante groups and the attempt to envelop the curtailment of the\nright of asylum with a cloak of legality and humanitarianism, as in the case of\nthe EU-Turkey deal. The left-wing of capital and its state opts for the\nexclusive control of immigration by the institutions of the state and of the EU,\nin order to prevent a possible political destabilization that an autonomization\nof the fascist activities would entail.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

No end to the bad\ndays on the immediate horizon?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The New Democracy government\nutilized the move of the Turkish government in order to kill two birds with one\nstone. On the one hand, it imposed the militarized closure of borders and\ntemporarily reduced the burgeoning influx of immigrants\/refugees with the\ncomplete support of the leadership of the EU. On the other hand, it managed to\nrally the far right part of its electoral base around itself, despite the\nclashes of the previous week in Lesvos and Chios with the riot police. Through\nthe nationalist anti-Turkish propaganda that mispresented the attempts of the\nimmigrants\/refugees to cross the borders as a \u201chostile invasion\u201d, it managed to\npromote the spectacle of \u201cnational unity\u201d against an alleged but non-existent\n\u201cforeign enemy\u201d which is incarnated in the figure of the immigrant proletarian.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However,\nsuch a policy is by default unstable and precarious as it has been shown by the\nevents of last February in Lesvos and Chios. It is, indeed, true that New\nDemocracy has bolstered up such a reactionary social bloc since the days of the\n\u201cMacedonian rallies\u201d in the previous years, aiming, initially, at its electoral\nsupport and, consequently, at its support to the continued attack on the direct\nand the social wage and, more generally, on the livelihood of immigrant\/refugee\nand local proletarians \u2013 an attack which could possibly lead to an actual proletarian\nrevolt involving both local and immigrant\/refugee proletarians. In this sense, it\nis a sort of a \u201cpreventative counter-insurgency\u201d policy.[12]<\/a>\nBut, Greece is not a fascist state, let alone the rest of the European Union.\nAfter the initial supportive announcements, the president of the European\nCommission von Leyen commented regarding the reports on the violent attacks at\nthe Greek borders against immigrant\/refugees that: \u201cas a principle, all\nresponses must be proportionate. Alleged violent incidents need to be\ninvestigated, and excessive use of force is unacceptable. This is a standing\nprinciple<\/em>\u201d.[13]<\/a> It\u2019s\ntherefore possible that the Greek government will not be able to keep the far\nright on a leash and under control. In such a case, its probable autonomization\nas a political force will then destabilize the political situation and its\nrule.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Certainly,\nthe escalation of far right violence creates a very difficult situation for the\nrefugees\/immigrants, for the activists of the far left, for the anarchist\/anti-authoritarian\nmilieu, for the members of NGOs and, even, for people simply expressing their\nsolidarity to the immigrants\/refugees. It is crucial to organize our\nself-defense and our counter-attack against the far right vigilante groups<\/strong>.\nHowever, we should not forget, within our necessary<\/strong> activities against\nthe fascists and the police, that SYRIZA opened the way for the current attack\non immigrant\/refugee proletarians by the right-wing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As the\nanarchist communist Luigi Fabbri wrote in 1921: \u201cThe fight against fascism\ncan only be waged effectively if it is stricken through the political and\neconomic institutions of which it is an outgrowth and from which it draws\nsustenance. Moreover, revolutionaries aiming to bring down Capitalism and the\nState, if they were to allow themselves to be drawn out by fascism like a\nlightning bolt diverted by the lightning rod, and to devote all of their\nefforts and exhaust themselves on the fight against fascism alone, would be\nplaying into the hands of the very institutions that they would like to see\ndemolished. Using the fascists as a bogeyman, the capitalistic state would not\nonly succeed in protecting itself and living an easier life, but would also\nsucceed in persuading a segment of the proletariat to work in cooperation with\nit and to take its part. Even today, whilst on the one hand capitalism uses\nfascism to blackmail the state, the state itself uses fascism to blackmail the\nproletariat, giving out the message: \u2018Give up on your dreams of political and\neconomic expropriation and order your leaders to cooperate with me in\nstrengthening the institutions of state, or I will stand by as you are beaten\nand killed by the fascists and, if they are not up to the task, I will lend\nthem a helping hand myself!\u2019. As long as the proletariat is accustomed to\nviewing fascism as its special enemy, against whom it has a special fight, the\ngovernment\u2019s blackmail ploy can always succeed; and for as long as that\nblackmail does its job, the government has an interest in the continued\nsurvival of fascism<\/em>\u201d.[14]<\/a>\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Antithesi, 10th<\/sup> of March 2020
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> A more detailed analysis of the\nevents of that period is provided by our text \u201cVogelfrei. Migration, deportations, capital and its state\u201d<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> All the data have been\ncollected from the UNHCR database (United Nations High Commissioner for\nRefugees) unless otherwise mentioned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/el.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/\u0395\u03b9\u03b4\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7_\u039a\u03b9\u03bb\u03ba\u03af\u03c2<\/a> (in Greek).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> Antithesi, op. cit.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> \u201cStructural Failure: Why\nGreece\u2019s reception system failed to provide sustainable solutions\u201d, Report <\/em>of\nRefugee Support Aegean, 18 June 2019, available at: https:\/\/rsaegean.org<\/a>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> T. Georgiopoulou, \u201cNew\ncenters for controlled accommodation in the mainland\u201d, Kathimerini<\/em>, 2\nDecember 2019 (in Greek).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> Naftemporiki, <\/em>4 October 2019, https:\/\/www.naftemporiki.gr\/story\/1520713<\/a> (in Greek).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> News portal news247.gr<\/em>,\n4 October 2019 (in Greek). Mitsotakis also announced that 10.000\nimmigrants\/refugees would be returned to Turkey till the end of 2020, a number\nthat is almost equal to five times the total number of returns since 2016\n(2.117 according to the UNHCR database).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> To Vima<\/em>, 5th<\/sup> March 2020 (in Greek).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> However, demonstrations were\norganized by immigrants\/refugees during those days in Lesvos with the demand for\ntheir transfer to the mainland. According to some comrades from the island, the\npolice took measures in order to prevent any contact of the immigrant\/refugee\ndemonstrations with the Greek protesters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> Members of extreme right-wing\nand fascist groups from Europe (such as members of the German group \u201cIdentity\nMovement\u201d) gathered at Evros and in the islands to support their Greek fellows\nand to participate in the attacks. Such elements were most probably involved in\nthe arson attacks against migrant facilities in Lesvos and in Chios.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/a> L. Fabbri,\u201cPreventative\nCounter-Revolution\u201d, available at: https:\/\/libcom.org\/library\/preventative-counter-revolution-luigi-fabbri<\/a>. We use the concept of\n\u201cpreventative counter-insurgency\u201d because as the recent movements in France,\nChile, Ecuador, Lebanon, and elsewhere have shown, proletarian revolts may erupt\nout of the blue at any point in time due to the protracted attempt of capital\nto transfer the costs of the protracted capitalist crisis on the shoulders of\nproletarians.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> H. Der Burchard and D.\nHerszenhorn, \u201cVon der Leyen wants \u2018workable agreement\u2019 with Erdo\u011fan on\nmigration\u201d, Politico.eu<\/em>, 3March 2020.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> L. Fabbri, op.cit.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Download the article as a pdf The situation in Greece after the EU-Turkey agreement Almost four years have passed since the imposition of the EU-Turkey agreement which attempted to prevent the uncontrolled entry of undocumented immigrants\/refugees within the EU and, more broadly, to reconstitute the mechanisms for the regulation, control and disciplining of their movement, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":734,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-729","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-3","8":"czr-hentry"},"yoast_head":"\nTentative notes on the reactionary developments around immigration, refugees and the border regime of the European Union - \u0391\u03bd\u03c4\u03af\u03b8\u03b5\u03c3\u03b7<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/antithesi.gr\/?p=729\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"el_GR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Tentative notes on the reactionary developments around immigration, refugees and the border regime of the European Union - 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